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OF THS 



Ifo??. George Sullivan^ 






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AT THE LATE 



Rockingham Convention, 



WITH THE 



MEMORIAL AND RESOLUTIONS, 



ANI> 



Report of the Committee 



OI? 



ELECTIONS, 





SECOND EDITION. 


10 


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J EXETER . 



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BY £. C. SEALS. 



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Meetinc^ of the Friends of Peace> «« 






Exeter, August Sth, 1812. 
AGREEABLY to previous notice, a very large and re- 
•■ 'Ci tble Meeting of the Friends of Peace, of the Counfi/ of 
'kingham, was holden at Brentwood, on IVednesdajj last. 
jt, uos trull/ a great and interesting 0vent. According to the 
most correct estimate, there were present two thousand legal 
and qualified Electors. It was discovered at an early hour^ 
that there teas no prospect of accommodating the Assembly in 
the Meeting-House. Arrangements were accordingly made for 
holding the Meeting under the great canopy of Heaven. The 
Honourable SAMUEL TENNEY of Exeter, was chosen 
Chairman, and the Honourable William Austin Keitt of 
Concord, Secretary, After the Meeting was organized, the 
Rev, Mr. Holt of Epping, at the request of the Chairman, 
made an appropriate and impressive prayer. The objects and 
purposes of the Meeting were then fully stated; after which the 
Hon. Mr. SvLtivAN, Member of Congtess, addressed the As» 
tembly in the following 

SPEECH. 

Mr. Chairman, 

THE present is an important, an interesting period in the 
affairs of our country. Involved in a war with one of the most 
powerful nations of the earth ; threatening to invade a foreign ter- 
ritory, when we are totally unprepared to defend our own ; and 
"under the guidance of an administration, altogether unequal to the 
exigency of the times ; the heart of every reflecting man must be 
filled with the deepest anxiety and alarm. If we turn our eyes to^ 
"Ward the past, and consider the situation, in which our country 
lias for years been placed, nothing is presented to our view, but 
examples of national humiliation, debasement, and distress. If we 
look forward to the future, our minds are filled with the most 
gloomy anticipations. The measures, which the present and last 
administrations have pursued, and the pernicious influence by 
"which they were dictated, declare to us how little we have to hope, 
and too certainly foretell the melancholy fate that awaits us. 

It is not my wish to excite unnecessary alarm — my only wish 
?3, that my Coantrycjsn maj realize the dangers, which threatea 



their liberty and independence ; and that they may, while it is yet 
in their power, preserve from ruin the only Republic on earth. 

From what unfriendly causes has it happened, that a nation, 
once highly respected; a nation, which held a proud rank among the 
powers of theearth, should in the course of a few years, be reduced to 
a situation, the most distressed, prostrate, and deplorable ? This is 
an enquiry, in which we are deeply interested, and we should enter 
tipoQ it with all the solicitude and attention, that are due to its 
importance, 

I consider it as one of my most sacred duties to point out, as far 
as lies in my power, the source of our distresses. I do not hesitate 
to declare that, in my opinion, an insidious French iuflueoce has 
produced the calamities, which have for years afliicfed us. It has 
caused our Government to pursue a policy, adverse to the best 
interests of the Country; it has prevented a settlement of our 
differences with Great Britain, and has plunged us into War. 
Par be it from me to insinuate, that this inj3uence is the effect of 
corruption ; it may be the effect of an undue attachment ; it may 
Lave been produced by other causes. But from whatever cause 
it may have arisen, it is ruinous to our dearest interests, and 
threatens with destruction the liberty and independence, purchased 
with the blood of our fathers. 

If upon enquiry it should appear that our rulers have involv- 
ed us in a war, in which the professed objects of it can never be 
obtained ; if it should appear that war, instead of removing, 
will only aggravate the evils of which we complain ; if it should ap- 
pear that our differences with Great Britain mi^ht have been set- 
tled in a peaceful manner; or, if it should a|)pear that War, 
•which is evidently promoting the ambitious designs of the Eoipe- 
lor of France, was alike forbidden by our interest and our 
honor, we cannot resist the conclusion that French influence has 
produced the War. 

What are the wrongs of which we complain, and which War is 
to remedy ? We have been told that our maritime rights have been 
wantonly violated, and that the protection of these rights is one 
object of the War. But how do our Government propose to 
afford this protection ? Not by a Navy, for they are determined 
to have none ; but, strange to tell! by invading tiie Canadas. 
Thus abandoning every principle of common sense, they have 
resolved to protect our rights on the ocean, by a War on the latid. 
Every man, who is capable of reflecting at all, must perceive, 
that if we should invade the Canadas and annex them to the 
United States, our maritime rights would be as unprotected then, 
as they are nozo. 

It is a remarkable fact, that while the Administration have 
plunged U3 into War for the professed purpose of protecting tht 



rights of our merchanls, ihe whole mercantile interest from one 
end of the country to the other is against War. 

But. Sir, who are the men, who have become the defenders, 
the champions of commercial righis ? Are thv.y the men, who 
have been the uniform, steady, undeviating friends of cnminerce? 
No, Sir, they are not. Tht-y are the men, whose hostility to 
commerce has never, until lately, been disguised. Mr. Ji;iferson, 
their Chief, has declared, " that it was best for America to aban- 
don the ocean altogether— to leave to otbers to bring to us what 
we might want, and to carry away what we could spare — that it 
would be time enough to seek eninloyment for our citizens at sea., 
when the land no longer offered." They are the very men, wim 
have, in conformity to these professed principles, by their Em- 
bargoes, NoD-Intercourse, and JNon-Importation laws, drivea 
commerce from the ocean. 

When the Embargo pressed heavily on the merchants of our 
Country; when poverty and distress were approaching the doors 
of the very weaithiest of them ; when they found themselves depriv- 
ed of their accustomed means of supporting their wives and chil- 
dren ; they petitioned Government in respectful and affecting 
terms for a repeal of that law, which had reduced them from a 
state of affluence almost to beggary. But what was the answer 
of Government to their reasonable request ? Was it the answer of 
a Government that cherished commerce ; that sympathized with 
the merchant in his sufferings ? No, Sir, it was not. The answer 
was this, "that they could find no necessity to change the policy 
of the Country to permit the exportation of pork and potatoes." 
Such raillery, on such an occasion, was indecent. It was cruel 
in the Government, that was bound to protect them, to insult 
their calamity. It was barbarous, it was criminal to mock at 
their distresses. Surely, there is a sanctity in affliction, which it is 
sacrilege to invade. — Now, see the change, from raillery to tears 
■ — from bitterest enemies to zsarmest friends. The air resounds 
with their mournful complaints of the injuries inflicted by the 
hand of Britain on their much-loved commerce. Are they sincere? 
No, Sir, they are not. Theirs are the deceitful tears of the Croc- 
odile — they weep over the commerce, which they have long since 
devoted to destruction. When we consider that the Government, 
which has plunged us into War for the protection of commercial 
rights, has always discovered the most deadly hatred to commerce; 
and when we consider, that commercial rights, instead of being 
protected, will inevitably be sacrificed by War, we arc compeilod 
to believe that the protection of these rights, although one of 
the professed objects of the War, is nut one of its real objects. 

Another subject of comj'laint against Great Britain is the im- 
pressmeot of American seamenj and the redress of this gricTaucc is 



6 

alledged, as anotlier object of the War. This is a Iherae full of irrita- 
tion, and leadiugtomisrepveseotationsof every kind. When the ad- 
ministration relate the distresses of this useful class of our citizens, 
in some particulars extremely exaggerated, and in others wholly un- 
founded, it takes so strong a hold upon the public feelings, that the 
sorrowful tale is believed without examination. On this subject 
our passions are so easily excited, that there is but little chance for 
candor or for argument. 

I deeply lament the wrongs, the injustice done to American 
seamen. No one can sympathize in their sufferings with more 
sincerity than I do. But the question occurs, is War the best, 
the wisest course, to relieve their sufferings? 1 am sure it is not. 
I know that War, instead of mitigating, will only serve to aggra- 
■vate their vpretchedncss. 

Let us examine this subject with as much candor as our higb- 
•wrought, irritated feelings will permit. 

Great Britain does not, nor has she ever claimed the right of 
impressing American seamen. She claims the right of taking her 
own subject? from the private merchant vessels of other nations, 
Bot from public armed ships. Not only Great Britain, but every 
nation in Europe " claims, in war, the services of its subjects. 
They all forbid their entering into foreign employment. They all 
recal them by proclamation." No nation, since the world began, 
ever had more occasigfj to exercise this right, than Great Britain 
has had for several years past. To her it has been a time of un- 
3)arallcled danger and distress. She has been fighting, not for the 
acquisition of foreign territory ; not for the acquisition of military 
fame, nor for any purpose of unlawful ambition, but for her very 
existence as a nation. If deserters from her service can find an 
asylum on board the private merchant ships of other nations, her 
Navy will be destroyed ; she must fall, and the liberties of the 
■world will fall with her. 

In the exercise of this right, which is common to all the nations 
of Europe, abuses must and will take place. It is true, we have 
had more disputes with Great Britain on this subject, than with 
any other people. The reasoa is too plain to be misunderstood. 
England is the land of our ancestors — it is the sepulchre of our 
fathers. Descendants of Englishmen, we resemble them in our 
language, 0!ir manner?, our dress, our general appearance. It 
ought not, therefore, io be a subject of wonder, if Americans 
should sometimes be mistaken for Englishmen. 

I will not assert that the British have not sometimes taken A- 
irericans, knowing them to be such. I believe they have. This 
■was a wrong that required redress. But it was our duty as a wise, 
as well as a moral and religious people, to adjust this matter by 
oegotiiition, if it could bs done, riither than by the sword. Ne- 



gotiation should have been exhausted., before an iofant Republic 
sboulil have resorted to the dreadfui altcrnalive of War. 

But, Sir, we have been told that negotiation had been tried, 
until it had become hopeless, is tliis true? Documents in the 
office of the Secretary of State prove (hat it is not true. 

Important as the right of taking her subjects from the j^rivatc 
merchant vessels of otlier nations must be to Great Britain, so 
anxious has she been to avoid a conflict with this Country, that 
she agreed with our minister, Mr. King, to give up by treaty the 
right of taking her subjects from our vessels on the high seas. 
But she insisted on the right of tftking them on the narrow seas. 
Yet even this right would, in the opinion of our minister, have 
been given up, if his negotiation had not been limited in point of 
time. She has gone further. Mr. Monroe, now Secretary of State, 
and Mr. Piokney, Attorney General, actually made an arrangement, 
by which the right of taking her subjects on the high seas was givca 
Tup to us. This ri^ht she has never Surrendered to any other 
nation. But Mr. Jefferson sent back the treaty that had beea 
formed — he would not even lay it before the Senate, the constitu- 
tional tribunal, not because impressments were not guarded a- 
galnst, but because the provision on the subject was injormal. 
Now, Sir, observe, for it is highly important to observe it, that 
Mr. Monroe, in a letter dated the 28th of February 1808, declares, 
that in the instructions given to him and Mr. Pinkney, drawn ui> 
in the hand writing or under the eye of Mr. Jeflferson, they were 
authorized to make an informal arrangement on the subject of the 
impressment of our seamen. Who then will say that negotiatioa 
was hopeless? Who will say that we have just cause of war against 
Great Britain for not giving up this right, when she did give it 
np, and in the very manner pointed out by our own Government ? 
Does not this prove that our Government had determined not to 
settle? Does it not phew, so far at least as respects this subject, 
that, if our Government had sincerely wished for peacCj peacu 
minht have been preserved ? 

But we were told that thousands of American seamen were 
OD board British Ships of war, and that it was our duty to 
fight for their liberation. The number, stated by our Govern^ 
ment to have been impressed, is, beyond controversy, greatly ex- 
aggerated. But what is the language, what the conduct of Great 
Britain on this occasion? Her minister has written to our Secre- 
tary of State and informed him, that the Prince Regent will con- 
tinue io give the most positive orders against the detention of 
American seamen ; and further, that all American Seamen proved 
to be such, shall be immediately discharged. Let him, who is most 
devoted to the administration, say, if this is not fair, and honora^. 
bic, and infinitely more advantageous to our seamen, than 



8 

War. But it seems to have been of little consequence to our 
administration that the liberation of our seamen could have been 
fcft'ccted in a peaceful manner ; the sword is their weapon, and 
they must fight for the release of them. Will War procure their 
release ? Who is so blind as not to see that if War should continue 
for five, or ten, or twenty years, our unfortunate Countrymen will 
be detained on board British Ships ; and that hundreds and 
thousands will be added to the number? By what fatality does it 
happen, that when our administration profess to have a particular 
object in view, they adopt measures, which tend directly to de- 
feat it ? Is it, that their sympathy for American seamen h feigned? 
Is it, that as they have hated and destroyed American commerce, 
they also hate and wish to keep in slavery American seamen, the 
instruments by which alone that commerce can be carried on ? 

It has been repeatedly said, that the British orders in Council 
operated severely against the interests of this Country, and that 
war was necessary to obtain a repeal of them. It is impossible 
for any man, acquainted with the relative strength and resources 
of the two Countries, to suppose, that we can compel Great 
Britain by force to repeal her orders. Negotiation might have 
ett'ected what the sword never can. — France took the lead in ag- 
gressions on American commerce- The Berlin decree was passed 
nearly twelve months previous to the orders in Council. Britain 
gave us notice, that if we submitted quietly to the operation of 
this decree, she must retaliate. We submitted, and her threat was 
executed. As France was the aggressor in this warfare on our 
neutral commerce, neither the administration nor their warmest 
friends have ever ventured to assert, that we ought to have fought 
Great Britain, if the French decrees were not repealed. 

Were these decrees repealed according to the proclamation of the 
president ? They were not. The world has long been convinced of 
the absurdity of the proclamation, and the friends of the presi- 
deat must now be satisfied of its falsity. On the second day of 
November 1810, the president proclaimed that on the first day of 
November, only one day before, the Berlin and Milan decrees 
ceased to operate. IIovv absurd did this appear ! If they had 
been repealed, how, in the short compass of a day could he have 
obtained the evidence ? 

A dtcree has lately been published, repealing the decrees of Berlin 
and Milan, and dated in April 1811. This repealing decree de- 
monstrates that the proclamation of the President was false. He 
proclaimeci that the French decrees ceased to operate on the first 
day of November 1810 ; this repealing decree proves that they 
did not cease, until nearly six mouths afterward. Trusting to 
tliis premature, unfounded, illjudged proclamation, our unsuspect- 
ing citizens scut their property to (he amount of millions of dol- 



9 

krs io France ami to Countries under her control, which WM 
confiscated and lost to ttiem. 

Is it not greatly to be apprehended tha't there was a dark) 
secret, perhaps wicked agreement between our Governtnent and 
tliat of France, with respect to this re|)fal ? Tli« terms of this 
agreenieut the people of this country may never be able, with 
certainty, to linow. It is a transaction involved in darkness and 
in mystery. Of one tiling, however, we may be perfectly certain, 
that is, that this repealing decree did not exist in April 1811- 

This repealing decree, passed according to the date of it in 
April 1811, was not published until May 1812 — thirteen months 
after. This has a suspicious, an alarming appearance. FiVery 
man will naturally enquire, where was it during this long period ? 
But who can answer the question ? 

It will be recollected that both before and after April 1811 our 
ministers in France were instructed, they were pressed to procure 
evidence of the repeal of tiie Berlin and Milan decrees. If this 
repealing decree existed, why, when they applied to the French 
Court for evidence, were they not furnished with a copy of it ? 
Who can believe that a copy would not have been obtained, if the 
decree had been passed ? 

Look, Sir, at the j)roccedings in the French prize Courts. 
Not a case can be produced, in which an American vessel has 
been acquitted, since (he date of this decree, on the ground that 
the Berlin and Milan decrees had ceased to operate. On the con- 
trary, several condemnations of American vessels under these de- 
crees have taken place since April 1811. — The American Ship 
Julian was condemned in September 1811, because she had beea 
visited by a British ship of war. In the same month the Ameri- 
can ship Hercules was condemned, not that there was proof that 
she had been visited by a British ship of war, but because the 
French Court presumed il — they said " it was impossible that 
she was not visited by the enemy's ships of war." Here then are 
two instances, and doubtless there are many more, of American 
vessels condemned by French Courts under the Berlin and Milan 
decrees as late as September 1811. I challenge the most preju- 
diced, the most credulous man on earth to believe, that French 
Judges, sitting under the eye of the Emperor, and whose lives 
would be the price of acting against his laws, would condemn 
American vessels in September 1811 under decrees, which were 
repealed five months before. Nay more, the Emperor himself 
in the same month of September condemned five American vessels 
and their cargoes under these very decrees. Added to all this, 
we find the commanders of French privateers continuing to cap- 
ture, sink, and burn all American vessels, coming within the 
terms of these decrees, do^vn to the very hour in which War was 
declared. 



*f here is every reason on earth to believe that this repealing 
decree was not passed, until May 1812, the time vphcn it was 
published. It was about the time, when our Government de- 
clared War against Great Britain. Let every considerate man, 
every lover of his Country pause and enquire, why was this de= 
<;ree then passed ? Why does it bear date thirteen months previ- 
ous to the time of its actual existence ? Qa this subject, I will 
noU dare not state my apprehensions. 

But if the French decrees had ceased to operate agreeably to 
the proclamation of the President, the interest of our Country 
did not require us to fight Great Britain for a repeal of her Orders 
in Council. In contendiui^ for a repeal of these orders, "what 
was the object which the United States had in view ? Undoubt- 
edly a profitable, an advantageous trade with France. But if our 
trade to that Country is of little or no value, it was folly, it was 
madness to fight for the sake of it. I -will not mention, because 
every body knows the fact, that many of our principal articles 
of export France does not receive ; and that most of the articles, 
■which she does receive, are burtheoed with such extravagant du- 
ties, as amount almost to a prohibition. On this subject it will 
be sufficient to remark, that evidence has been laid before the 
Senate of the United Slates by a republican member of it, proving 
incontestibly that the trade to France, on account of the exorbit- 
ant duties and the rapacity of iier Government, brings our mer- 
chants greatly in debt. It is confidently believed that if the Or- 
ders in Council were this day repealed, no merchant would trade 
to France. Trade to France ! Does she not capture, and sink, 
and burn all American vessels found on the Ocean ? No mer- 
chant would have the folly to send his property to certain des- 
truction. 

Our trade with France in favorable times amounted to some- 
thing more than two millions of dollars a year, while our trade 
with Great Britain amounted in the same period to thirty-five 
millions of dollars. Now, Sir, mark the wisdom of your Gov. 
ernmeot. By fighting, we give «p a trade with Great Britain 
worth thirty. five millions of dollars annually, and incur all the 
expenses and siifTer all the calamities of war, for a trade, which in 
favorable times is worth something more than two millions of 
ilollars ; and which, burthened ami restricted as it is at this timcj 
is worth nothing. Let any man ask himself, is this a war of inter- 
est ? Can the Government believe that they are promoting the 
interest of the Country ? 

But we are told that our honor required us to fight Great 
Britain. Scanty indeed will be the harvest of laurels that we shaU 
reap in this unfortunate conflict. Is honor usually the companion 
of the vanquished ? Does she delight to associate with disaster and 
defeat ? On the contrary, does she not almost invariably follow 



fte standarf] of victory ? We have madly clialltMigcd (o the com. 
bat one of the most powerful nations of the earth, yet we have 
neither an army, nor a navy, nor money to carry on a War. Un- 
der such circumstances, what but a miracle can save us from de- 
feat and disgrace ? 

We forget chat the very circumstance of our going to ^Var onder 
the idea of a pledge to France has blasted our honor forever— it 
has loaded us with everlasting disgrace. Does honor point to a 
War with the least ofl'ending of two nations ? With that nation, 
whicli was last to invade our neutral rights ? With that nation, 
whose languaj^e and whose conduct have been most rcspectfol, 
compared with those of her enemy ? We have received from France 
every injury and every indignity that can wound the pride or rouse 
the indignation of an independent people. — She has told us that 
ivc were as much a Colony to Great BnJain as the Island of Ja- 
maica — that the time would come when we should be compelled 
to fight for interest^ although we had refused to fight for honor. 
She has insultingly said to us that she would have no neutrals. 
She has had the arrogance, the unparalleled impudence to declare 
War for us. Yet our honor sleeps undisturbed over these insults 
and indignities ofiered by France. Is it, that no disgrace can 
come from her mighty Emperor, who in the estimation of some 
men, is the source of all earthly honors ? Our administratioa 
bluster, and threaten, and fight one nation^ while they shamefully 
cringe to another. 

It is not honor, it is not interest, it is not a desire to relieve 
American seamen, it is not a regard for commercial rights, that 
has produced this War; it is foreign influence, that fatal influ- 
ence, which has proved the destruction of all the Republics that 
have gone before us. It is greatly to be feared, that there is a 
secret understanding between our Government and that of France, 
unknown to the American people and destructive of their inter- 
ests. Does any one ask for evidence of the fact ? This is the 
evidence. If we find that the officers of the French Government 
have declared, that our administration were seriously disposed and 
eager to adopt the favourite system of the Emperor of France; 
if we find that the measures, pursued by our administration have 
exactly coincided with that system, and have directly aided the 
Emperor in his schemes of aggrandizement, while they liave greatly- 
injured the best interests of our Country ; if, above all, we find 
that some of our most important measures have been foretold ia 
France, when they were wholly unforeseen and unexpected by 
our own citizens ; we may be as certain as if a voice from Heaven 
should declare it, that there is such a secret understanding — that 
there is a fatal foreign influence operating in our Councils ; which, 
without the timely efforts of the people to counteract it by a. 
change of rulers, will lay our freedom in the dust. 



12 

^Vhat are the schemes of the Emperor of France ? what is the 
system which he has adopted in order to realize (hem ? and how- 
have the measures of our Goveroment contributed to their ad- 
vancement ? 

The Emperor has for years been aspiring after universal do- 
minion. Hitherto, Great Britain has prevented the execution of 
this gigantic sclieme. If she can be subdued by his utmost eMbrts^ 
the Empire of the world is his. 

We no longer hear of his attempting to conquer Great Britain by 
zn invasion ; this idea has for years bceu abandoned. Aitho' his 
purpose of subduing her is unaltered, his means are changed. His 
hope now is, and for a considerable time past has been, to subdue 
her by destroying her commerce; and in order to effect this he 
has established his continental system, and has compelled every 
nation, that he had power to control, to adopt it. Because the 
Emperor of Russia has refused to submit to this system, Bona- 
parte has raised an immense army, and is resolutely bent on forcing 
him to yield to it. Our Government have been aiding in this at- 
tempt to destroy the commerce of Great Britain; an attempt as 
tin warrantable, as it was unwise. In proof of it, let us attend to 
the declarations of the officers of the French Government. The 
president of the French Conservative Senate wrote a pamphlet, 
a few years since, on political atfairs, in which he observes that 
"America will make common cause with France and theNorthera 
powers of Europe against Great Britain." The Senate of France, 
in answer to the Emperor, declared, " that a league was about to 
be formed for the emancipation of commerce, and the indepen- 
dence of nations, and into which the States of both hemispheres 
■were eager to enter." The Emperor himself made this declara- 
tion, " the United States are on the worst terms w^ith England, 
and appear seriously disposed to adopt our system.^'' Thesedec- 
laiations must (irove to the satisfaction of every im})artial mind, 
that the Government of France made application to our Govern- 
ment to adopt the continental system. They must also prove, 
that our Government gave encouragement that they would adopt 
it. For if, when the application was made to them, they had re- 
fused to adopt it, as every Government solicitous about the wel- 
fare of their country should have done, the President of the 
French Senate could never have said " that America will make 
common cause with France and the Northern powers of Europe 
against Great Britain ;" nor could the Senate have said, " that the 
States of both hemispheres were eager to enter into the league j*^ 
Dor could the Emperor have said, " that the United States ap- 
peared seriously disposed to adopt his system." 

Was not the first Embargo an attempt to co-operate with the 
Emperor iu the destruction of British Commerce? Was it not 
aa adoption of the coutineatal syslciuj as far as our Govermueoc 



15 

<v)u)d adopt U, and at iha same time cnaceal the fact from the 
people ? Is there not reason to believre that it >vas so understood 
anil agreed upon between the two Governments? It will be re- 
collected that at the time when this Embargo was imposed upon us, 
our government wereapprised of no nea? dangers — of none, which 
had not existed for years before. It will also be recollected that at 
that time the Emperor compelled Simio, and Holland, and Italy, 
and Prussia, and all the natious of Europe, which he had power 
to control, to exclude British vessels from their ports. But our 
Government did not dare to pass a law to exclude British vessels 
from our ports ; their design would have been too apparent ; the 
spirit of the people would not have borne it. They co-operated 
effectually in the plan of the Emperor by the deceptive means of 
an Embargo. The people of this country ought to have seen, and 
thousands of them did see, that the causes assigned by the admin- 
istration for laying tha Embargo were not the real causes. We 
•were then told that the object of Government was to save our 
ships and our seamen. But, as was predicted, it was the means 
of driving thousands of our seamen from the Country. All trade 
to Canada was prohibited • yet in this trade we should have lost 
neither ships nor seamen. It is evident, therefore, that the Gov- 
ernment had something more in view than the saving of them. If 
the real causes for laying the Embargo were for the interest uf our 
own Country, why were they not declared p 

But strong as this evidence is to prove a concert between the 
two Governments to destroy the commerce of Great Britain ; 
and to show that they have been aiding in the ambitious projects 
of Bonaparte ; it is not all. A member of the French Senate de- 
dared, before the Embargo law was passed, and when the Ameri- 
can people had no suspicion of one, that an Embargo would soou 
be laid in our Country. Our minister at Paris, Mr. Armstrong, 
foretold it sixty days before it was laid. How is it possible, un=. 
less there was a secret understanding between the two Govern., 
ments, as to the course of measures to be pursued that this thing 
could have been known in France ? 

As soon as the Embargo was laid, our Government was com=. 
plimented by the Emperor. His minister Champagny told them 
" that his majesty applauded their generous determination to re» 
nounce all commerce." When the complaints of our suffering 
citizens compelled the government to repeal the Embargo, the re- 
peal was denounced by the Emperor — he declared it to be " the 
effect of one of the most im portaut, and artful manoeuvres ever prac- 
tised by the British Cabinet." 

Another circumstance, to prove a determinatioa on the part of 
our GovernFnent to aid the Emperor in destroying British com. 
merce, and in gaining the first object of his wishes, is, their suf- 
fering the Doa-importatioo act to go iuto operatiou against Great 



14 

BrUain, and assigning for it a reason (liat was wholly unfuund-. 
•"il. — Oa the second of February 1811, the noiuimportation act 
•went, into operation against Great Britain ; and the reason as- 
signed for it was, that the Berlin and Milan decrees had ceased to 
operate. Yet the whole world knows, that if B;)naparte's repeal- 
ing decree was really passeti at the time of its date, they did not 
tease until nearly three months after : And the very reason ^iven 
by the Elmperor for repealing his decrees was, that the nun-im- 
portatioQ law had previously gone into operation. In short, the 
whole restrictive system has been the result of the same secret con- 
<'ert, the elYect of the same unhappy influence. No one can deny 
tliat the restrictive system has coincided perfectly with the system 
of the Emperor ; no one can deny that it has directly aided him 
in his ambitious desitins. But what has it done for us ? It has 
impoverished our ciiizons ; it has exhausted our treasury ; it has 
corrupted our morals. 

There is every reason to believe that French influence and 
French intrigues have prevented an accommodation of our dif- 
ferences with Great Britain, and have plunged us into War. As 
evidence of this I will mention a circumstance tfiat must produce 
t^onviction in the most prejudiced mind. In the pamphlet, which 
I have mentioned, written by the President of the French Conser- 
vative Senate, it is declared by him, " that America will make com- 
Tnon cause with France and the northern powers of Europe against 
Great Britain" — it is then said, " They (meaning without doubt 
the American Government) will reject tlie British minister, Mr. 
Jackson." Was this prophecy fulfilled ? Ever}' one knows that 
it was. Mr. Jackson was rejected, and the pretence for it we all 
rcmon^ber. I would ask how it is possible that the President of 
the French Senate should have known that the British Minister 
would be rejected, if there had not been an agreement between the 
two Governments that he should be rejected, and that a settle- 
ment should thereby be prevented ? 

The unpropitious moment, selected for declaring War, has ex- 
cited the suspicions and alarmed the fears of considfrate men. 
When they hear their Government declare that they have certain 
objects in vt6w in going to War, and at the same time see them 
adopting such measures, as necessarily defeat the most important 
of those objects ; they cannot persuade themselves that the real 
causes of the War are made known to them. At the moment in 
which W;sr was dechired, it is confidently believed, that our mer- 
chants had a hundred millions of dollars in the hands of our ene- 
my ; they had property to an immense amount floating on the 
ocean, and at the mercy of that enemy ; thousands of American 
seamen were abroad, liable to be taken, and confined on board 
British prison ships. It was in vain that the friends of peace ex- 
erted all their powers to have the declaration of War postponed 



15 . 

for a few months, in order that our merchants iniglit get hom« 
their property, and that our st-anien might return to their families 
and friends. No delay eould be obtained from that Government, 
which had declared, that the protection of the interest of our mer- 
thants, and the saving of our seamen from captivity were among 
the principal objccls of t!ie War. 

Thus, Sir, 1 have endeavoured to shew tliat foreign influence is 
the source of the calamities, which have for years afflicted our 
country, I wish to be distinctly understood. I am far from, 
assorting that all those of our rulers, wiio have been the advocates 
of War, or the friends of the restrictive system, are the enemies 
of their country. Many of them, I have no doubt, love their 
Country and wish her prosperity ; but, intdligeut as they are, 
they have been misguided by men, who did not merit their confi- 
dence — by men, whose devotion to France has long been known 
and who have for years been acting under her pernicious, her 
deadly influence. This fatal influence has involved us in a War 
of such a kind, that even victory itself is defeat. We are this 
moment rashly, madly attempting to humble the only power that 
stands between our country and slavery. 

Our present unfortunate, disastrous situation has long since 
been foretold. When Mr. Jeflerson was candidate for the office 
of President of the United Slates, the people were warned, that 
if he should be elected, he would disregard the political maxims^ 
and would counteract the labors of our sainted Washington.^ 
They were told that under a democratic administration our Navy- 
would be destroyed — our Commerce rulnerl — our Merchants des- 
pised — our Treasury exhausted — and, finally, that we should be 
involved in a War against Great Britain. Is not this true? Is it 
not all exactly and literally fulfilled ? 

The people were also told that our Government would form aa 
alliance with France. It is greatly to be feared, that at no dis- 
tant period, this part of the prophecy will he as exactly fulfilled 
as the other. Ltt it not be said that such an alliance will never 
be formed. We have long seen a [)erfect coincidence between the 
measures of the two governments ; we have known that some of 
our most important measures have been foretold in France, whea 
they were wholly unsuspected here, and we hai'e witnessed the 
fulfillment of the prophecies. We have seen that our administra- 
tion have for years been aiding the Emperor in his amliitious 
schemes, while they have distressed and almost ruined their coun- 
try. Why has our Government declared War against the greatest 
maritime power in the world, and at the same time determined to 
have no Navy to oppose to her? None even for defence ? Why, 
in such a War, are our harbours, why are our cities, why is our 
whole sea coast left undefended, unless it is to drive us into an al- 
liance with Fraace ? Hereafter we may be told, that our cities 



16 

■win be redticerl to ashes, or their inhabitMts placed under con* 
Kribution — that our whole sea coast will be ravaged and destroyed, 
unless we are protected by French Ships of War. We may bu 
told that our safety imperiously demands an alliance with France. 
When the War shall rage, when hundreds and thoutauds of our 
citizens shall be slaughtered, and our feelings shall be raised to the 
highest pitch of irritation, an alliance will not be unpopular — it 
will be formed. Then will the destruction of our Country be 
sealed. Is (here a nation that for twenty years past has been the 
ally of France, that has not become her slave ? Not one, if Spaia 
be excepted, and she is destined to wear the chains of a cooqueror. 
An alliance with France should be regarded as the greatest of ali 
possible calamities. " It is the wormwood, it is the gall, which 
the wrath of Heaven has mingled for the nations, which have pol- 
luted themselves with French abominations." Form this alliance, 
and the time will come, when our dwellings, once the abodes of 
industry and happiness, shall become the habitations of lawless 
ruffians — our lands will be stained by the blood of their owners — 
our sons will be made to fight the battles of a foreign tyrant-— 
our wives, our sisters, and our daughters will be defiled by brutal 
ravishers. Let it not be imagined that these are the illusions of a 
fearful, a disordered fancy. Look, Sir, at the Countries, which 
France has subdued, and the evils which we here anticipate, you 
will there find realized. — Form this alliance and the time will come 
when thousands of the Inhabitants of this once happy country shall, 
by French power, " be laid low in dust or scattered in exile." 
And happy in my mind will be the dead, " for many deaths will the 
survivors suffer." Without a Country, without a home, wan- 
dering on the sea side in some distant region, they will turn their 
mournful eyes toward that land which was their Country — the 
land which contains the remains of their ancestors, the sacred dust 
of their fathers. 

*' Oh ! for that warning voice that cried in Heaven, Woe to 
the inhabitants of the earth." I would rouse my Countrymen 
from their deathlike slumber. I would cry io them without 
ceasing, woe to that wretched people that becomes allied tu 
France. — ^We have been hurried to the brink of a fatal precipice. 
One step more, and our Country must fall — " ske'li, fali, 
xiKE Lucifer, never to hope again." 



After Mr. Sullivan concluded his Speech, a Committee was 
appoialed to prepare a Memorial to the President of the United 
States, deprecating the present war ; another to prepare Resolu- 
tions, proper to be adopted by the Convention ; and another to 
take into consideration the suhject of the approaching Elections. 



The convention then adjourned to give time for the several 
committees to attend to their respective duties. In the afternooa 
the memorial and resolutions were introduced ; and after being 
7ery ably and eloquently discussed, were unanimously adopted, 

MEMORIAL. 

DANIEL WEBSTER, Esq. > p.^.,^^,,,^ ■ 
MATTHEW S. MARSH, Esq. i ''J ^orismouJu 

Hon. NATH'L OILMAN, > . ^ 

Hon. GEORGE SULLIVAN, J "-^ ii-xei.r, 

AMOS KENT, Esq. of Chester. 

CLEMENT MARCH, Esq. of Greenland. 

Col. THOMAS LEAVITT, of Northampton. 

Col. BRADBURY CILLEY, of Nottingham. 

Doctor ABEL BLANCHARD, of Pembroke. 

Hon. EZEKIEL GODFREY, of Poplin. 

Capt. JOSEPH BROWN, of Kensington. 

Hon. THOMAS W. THOMPSON, of Concord. 

THOMAS JENNESS. Esq. of Deerfield. 

JONATHAN CLARK, Esq. of Northwood. 

JOHN PORTER, Esq. of Londonderry. 
having been appointed a Committee to prepare a Memorial to the 
President of the United States, reported the following, which was 
unanimously accepted. 

To James Madison, Esq, 
President of the United States. 



MORE than Fifteen Hundred of the Inhabitants and 
Free Electors of the County of Rockingham in the State of 
New-Hampshire, being assembled, in an orderly and peaceable 
manner, according to our undoubted Constitutional Rights, at 
Brentwood, in said County, on the fifth day of August 1812, 
to consult on the common Good and Public Welfare, do now 
address you, with the respect due to the Chief Magistrate of the 
Nation. 

In assembling to express our opinions on the present State of 

our National Affairs, we are influenced, not only by a wish to 

contribute, as far as in us lies, towards removing the evils which 

"vve feel, and averting the greater evils which we fear^, but also 

3 



18 

iiy a sense of the du{y we owe to the Supreme Executive of 
natiot). 

The Chief Magistrate of a Goveroment, which rests on pub=. 
lie opinion, and which can only look for the support of its meas= 
TUres to the approbation of the People, has a right to be inform- 
ed, distinctly and unequivocally, of the sentiments entertained 
by the Community, concerning measures of g^eat national im- 
portance. As one portion of the community, deeply interested 
in the present state of things, and solicitously concerned about 
their future progress, we beg leave to present to you a brief view 
of our sentiments and opinions. 

We have witnessed, with sincere and deep regret, a systesSi of pol- 
icy pursued by the General Government, from the Embargo of 
1807, to the present time, tending most obviously, in our view, to 
the destruction of the Commerce of these States. We have 
not been indifferent spectators of this course of measures. Be= 
ing inhabitants of the Atlantic Coast, we regard Commerce, as a 
great and essential Interest. It is, not only, in itself, a lead, 
jng pursuit, but it is most intimately blended with all our other 
interests aud occupations. Habits, arising naturally from our 
local situation, and the nature of our soil aud products, and now 
eonfirmed by the usage of ^aro centuries, are not to be changed. 
We hold the right of judging for ourselres, and have never yet 
delegated to any Government the power of deciding for us, jehaS 
pursuits and occupations best comport with our interests, and our 
situation. When we assented to the National Constitution, it was 
among other, (but none more important) reasons, to the end that 
eur Commerce might be the better protected, and the farther 
extended. Taught to regard our right of traversing the Seas, as 
sacred, (and it is to us as important) as our right of tilling the 
ground, we have supposed that we should never be deprived of 
the former, but for reasons, so weighty and important, as would 
equally justify the prohibition of the latter. We origioalfy saw 
nothing, and can now see nothiug,. either in the letter, or the spirit^ 
of the National Compact, which makes it our duty, to acquiesce 
\ii a system, tending to compel us to abandon our natural and 
accustomed pursuits. We regard the Constitution as "an Instru- 
ment of Preservation, not of Change." We take its intention to 
have been, to protect, by the strong arm of the whole nation the 
interests of each particular Section. It coirld not therefore be 
\vithout alarm and apprehension, that we perceived in the General 
Goveroment a disposition to embarrass and enthral Commerce by 
repeated Restijjctions, and to make War, by shutting np our ozsn 
ports. Still itreater was our concern, when we heard ourselves 
admonished, jf?rtc^,^ to retire from the Seas, and " to provide for 
JursehcSj those- comforts and conveniences of life^ for which 



19 

ztrzQuldbe unwise EVER MOPE to recur to distant Couti* 
tries^* We do not hesitate to say, that we deem this language 
equally unconstitutional and arrogant ; and it would be with 
infinite regret, mingled with other strong emotions, that we should 
perceive a fixed and settled resoJution in the General Government, 
4o eivforce this exhortation by the authority of Law, and to accu^ 
mulate upon us, in the intervals of War, a ponderous, and crush- 
ing system of Restriction, Non. Importation, Non-Iatercourse^ 
and Embargo. 

The alarm excited in our minds by the favorite and long con.» 
tinued " Restrictive System," is raised still higher, by the late 
declaration of War against Great-Britain, an event which we 
believe, in the present defenceless circumstances of the Country, 
will be productive of evils of incalculable magnitude. 

We are not. Sir, among those, who feel an unmanly reluctance 
"^o the privations, or a nervous sensibility to the dangers oC 
War. Many of us had the honor of aiding, by our humble ef- 
forts in the establishment of our Independence, and of exposing 
our lives, in more than one fiehi of danger and blood, in our 
Country's service. — We are ready to meet those scenes again, 
whenever it can be shewn that the vindication of our National 
honor, or the preservation of our essential rights, demands it. 
We shall not be more slow than others, to aspire after distinction^- 
in any cause in which distinction would be honorable. 

If we could perceive that the present War was just; if wte 
could perceive that our rights and liberties required it j if 
•we could perceive that no Administration, however wise, honesty 
or impartial^ could have carried us clear of it ; if we could per- 
ceive its expediency^ and a reasonable hope of obtaining its pro- 
fessed objects ; if we could perceive these things, the War would^ 
in some measure, cease to be horrible. It would grow tolerable. 
In idea, as its expediencif should be made manifest. Its iron and 
l)loody features would soften, as its justice grew apparent.— 
Crive us but io see, that this War hath clear justice, neces- 
sity, and expediency on its side, and we are ready to pour 
tQut our Treasure, and our Blood in its prosecution. 

But we are constrained io say, that we cannot, in conscience^ 
ascribe the foregoing characteristics to the present War. We 
are not, Sir, the apologists of other Nations, nor will our voice 
ever be heard, to varnish wrongs inflicted either on the interest 
or honor of our Native Land. But we deem it necessary, to 
every justijiable War, not only that its justice be as plain and 
visible as the light of Heaven, but that its objects be distinct aad 

* 3Ir. Jefferson's letter to the Legislature of NeW'tiam^^ 
shire J August j 1808= 



20 

clear, la order that every man may see them ; that they be greaiy 
XQ order that every man may perceive their importance ; that they 
be probably attainabte, in order that every Citizen may be en- 
<Pouraged to contend for them. We are wholly mistaken, if the- 
causes assigned for the present Was against England will bear 
the test of these principles. 

The Impressment of our Seamen, which forms the most 
plausible and popular of thcalledged causes of War, we believe to 
have been the subject of great misrepresentation^ We have as 
much sympathy, as others, for those who suffer under this abuse 
of power. We know there are instances of this abuse. We 
Icnow that Native American Citizens have been, in some cases^ 
in too many cajses, impressed from American Merchant Ships, and 
compelled to serve on board British Ships of War. But the num« 
ber of these cases has been extravagantly exaggerated. Every 
inquiry on the subject strengthens our conviction, that the re- 
puled number bears little relation to the true number. We are 
among those, to whom instances of impressment, if they did ac« 
tually exist to any considerable extent, must be known. Yet 
•we cannot find them out. Some of the members of this Meeting 
have been constantly employed in Commercial pursuits, and 
have had Ships on the Ocean from the Peace of 1783, until the 
Ocean became unnavigable^ as to us, by the Embargo of 1807, 
and yet during all that time have never suffered the loss of one 
J^ative American Seaman^ by impressment. Other Members of 
this Meeting have, as Masters of Vessels, long inhabited, as it were, 
on the Seas, and have been visited hundreds of times by British 
Ships of War and never had an American Seamen taken from 
them by Impressment. 

The People of the neighboring Commonwealth, as we under- 
stand, have been as unable as ourselves, to discover instances of 
impressment, in any degree equal to the alledged numbers. It 
is impossible, under these circumstances, for us to believe, that 
the evil of impressment does exists in the degree of enormity pre- 
tended. If so many of our seafaring fellow-citizens were actually 
in bondage, they must have been taken from among the inhabit- 
ants of the Atlantic coast. They would be from among our 
brethren, sons, relations and friends. We should be acquainted 
■with them, and their misfortuues. We should btiar the cries of 
their wives and children, their parents and relatives, quite as 
soon as our fellow-citizens of iha South and the West. 

It is well worthy of notice, that the greatest apparent /ee^/wg' 

on this subject of Impressments, and the greatest disposition to 

wage War on that account, are entertained by the liepresenta- 

^j fives of those States, which have no Seamen at all of their oTcry;. 

"while those sections of the communityj ia which more tkan tkret' 



21 

fourlJiS of the mariners of the United States hare their home?, 
are, by great majorities, against that war, among the professed 
objects of which, the release of impressed Seamen forms so prio- 
cipai a iigiire. 

It is well known that England pretends to no right of imjjrcss- 
ing our Seamen. She Insists, only, that she has a right to the 
service of her ozcn subjects, in time of war, even though found 
serving on board the merchant ships of other nations. This claim 
we suppose to be neither unfounded, nor novel. It is recognized 
by the public law of Europe, and of the civilized world. Writers 
of the highest authority maintain, that the right belongs to all 
Bati.ons, For the same reason, say they, that the father of a 
fanyly may demand the aid of his children to defend himself and 
his house, a nation may call home her subjects to her defence and 
protection, in time of war. 

But if this were not so, is our nation to plunge into a ruinous 
•war, in order to settle a question of relative right, between the 
government of a foreign nation and the subjects of that govern- 
jiient ? Are we to fight the battles of British seamen ? Nay 
more — are we to espouse their cause, in opposition to the cause 
of our ozen Native Mariners ? Shall we contend for the free and 
privileged adonission of foreigners into our Merchant service, 
and thereby exclude the Seamen of New-England Uom that ser- 
vice ? Do we profess to be at war, for the support of our sea- 
men's rights^ when we contend for a point, which, if gained, will 
shut them out from the most lucrative part of their employment, 
and " sacrifice their interest, that British and othar foreign sea- 
saen may have equal privileges with themselves .^" 

Fatal indeed, would it be to important interests of the Navigat- 
ing States, if the consequence of this War should be that the A- 
inerican flag shall give the American character to all who sail ua= 
der it, and thus invite thousands oi foreign seamen to enter into our 
service, and thrust aside oux own native citizens. 

But this evil of impressment, however great it may be, is at most; 
no greater now, than it was in the time of Washington. That 
Great Man did not, however, deem it an evil to be remedied by 
War. Neither did it occur to President Adams, nor even to Pres- 
ident Jetferson, that it would be wise or politic, for the purpose 
of attempting to rescue a very small portion^ of our Seamen from 
captivity, to commence a war, which must inevitably, as this war 
■will, consign ten times as many to a captivity as bad, 

England has always professed a wiiingness to adjust this subject 
by amicable arrangement, Slie has repeatedly called on us to do 
4>«r pari, towards eft'ectiog such adjustment- She has reminded 
us of the facility — we may say the falsity, with which Ameri- 
gaa Protections are obtained ; of the frequent instances, ia which 



^ 



22 

irishmen and others, that cannot spealk a word of our ianguegff 
are found with American Protections in their pockets. She has, 
expressly and officially, offered to prohibit, by severe laws^ 
all impressments from American vessels, if the American. 
Government would enact laws i)rohibiting American officers 
from granting Protections, or Certificates of Citizenship to 
British subjects. She has also, through her Ministers, offered 
to restore every native Seaman, that our Government could name^ 
as being under impressment. For years preceding the Declara». 
tion of War, our Government has been, in a manner, silent on 
this subject. Under an expectation (which had never been broken 
ofl) of an amicable arrangement, Government seems to have ceas- 
«'d to make it a topic of complaint. When the arrangement was 
made with Mr. Erskine, the present Administration themselves 
^lid not consider any existing difficulties on the subject of Impress^ 
?nent as insuperable obstacles to peace. 

What is it, then, that hath since given to this subject a sudden 
and unusual importance ? What is it, that hath so completely 
stifled the voice of the friends of the Seamen, and at the same time 
called into action such powerful sympathies in the bosom of StraU" 
gers ? Wliat is it, that hath raised a vjoice, beyond the Western 
Mountains, so loud and clamorous {or their protection b^ iVar, 
■while the fathers and brethren, the friends and relatives, the wives 
and children of these very seamen — nay even the seamen them.. 
selves, deprecate this war, as the greatest calamity that could fall 
iipon them ? 

The Blockade, and Orders in Council, the other causes of War, 
Ibear no better examination than the subject of impressment. The 
Blockade, now so grievous to be endured, we know was regarded 
at the time it was laid, as a measure favorable to our interests. 
We know this, upon the express declaration of Mr. Monroe, then 
our Minister in England. We have his own words, that it should 
be regarded "?n a favorable light,** and that it ^^ promised to bs 
fiighly satisfactory to our Commercial interests.'" 

By what train of reasoning ih\s favor is now turned into an 
injur?/, and an injury of such magnitude as to justify ^Fcr, we 
are utterly at a loss to comprehend. 

We are equally unsatisfied with the arguments used, io prove 
that the Decrees of France v! era repealed in November 1810, and 
that therefore, without departing from Impartial policy, we are 
justified in undertaking to compel England, by War, to abandon 
her Orders io Council. Against such supposed repeal of the 
French Decrees we have the express declaration of the French 
Government itself, as late as March 1812, alledging that/AoAC De- 
crees did then exist. W'e have also had daily evidence of their 
operation^ in the destruction of our property, aad some MeiabefS 



23 

of this Meeting have convictions of the existence and operation ot' 
those Decrees, down to the very moment of our Declaration at 
War ; which convictions, being produced by great and repeated 
personal losses, in the seizures, detentions, conjiscutions, and 
BURNINGS, under those very Decrees, are not likely to be remov- 
ed by any ingenious comments on the terms of an ambiguous, de- 
ceptive, and fallacious instrument, like the Duke of Cadore's 
letter. 

But the question is now at rest. The recent appearance of the 
French Decree, purporting to be dated Aprill^, 1811, leaves no 
foothold for persistance and partiality longer to stand on. That 
Decree declares, that in consequence of measures adopted by oar 
Government against England in il/arc/i 1811, the Decrees of jyer//» 
and Milan shall now be considered as having ceased to operate, as 
against us, in November 1810 — This proves beyond contradic- 
tion, that those Decrees were not repealed, at the time when our 
Governm«nt adopted measures against England, /ow;it/eci on their 
supposed repeat. 

A more singular incongruity, than is here manifest, never cftar- 
dcterized the intercourse of Nations, In March 1811, this Gov™ 
ernment took measures against England, because France had aC" 
iually repealed hcT Decrees. Afterwards, in May 1811, France 
repealed her Decrees, because our government had actually takea 
measures against England. 

The conduct of France, in relation to the repeal of her Edicts, 
exhibits to our view, a scene of the most contemptible fraud 
and juggling, that ever disgraced the Court of any Nation. 

The British Orders in Council, we are informed, are now re- 
voked. We cannot but lament,, that the declaration of War was 
forced and hurried, as if to put us beyond the benejit of favor^ 
able events. Every attempt at postponement was inefi'ectua?, 
and the question was taken, at a moment, when, perhaps, a month's 
delay would have removed the principal ground of complaint, and 
averted the awful calamity. 

As none of the Complaints against England are of recent origin j 
as they must all have been long in the contem|jIation of Govern~ 
ment, it was reasonably expected, that if Government intended 
JVar, it would have made adequate provision and preparation for 
that event. In this expectation we have been disappointed. The 
Nation is totally unprepared for War. We say totally unpre- 
pared ; because the degree of preparation bears no definable re- 
lation to the magnitude of the occasion, or to the greatness of th& 
Interests which are at stake. 

Without mentioning the situation of our Inland Frontier, it is 
sufficient to advert to the exposed state of our Sea Coast, and our 
Commercej It is uahewd of, and beyond imagination strange, m 



•* 



24 

our opioioD, thftt sncfa great and importani interests as the NatIo 
GATioN and Commerce of a whole Country, should be put to 
hazard, — nay to certain loss — for want of that protection, which 
it was in the power, — and which we presume to say it was 
the DUTY, of Government, to have afforded. 

On the subject of Naval Defence, we do not feel ourselvef 
confined to the mere language of Supplication. On that topic 
we do not address ourselves to the favor and clfimency only, of 
any Administration. We hold it to be our right, to demand, 
at the hand of the Geoeral Government, adequate protection to 
our lawful Commerce. When the Constitution empowered the 
Government to build and maintain a Navy, it was not sup- 
posed, that that provision would remain inoperative parchment, 
and a dead letter. On the contrary, it was confidently expected 
that that Power would be exercised, as cheerfully as the power to 
levy and collect taxes. We consider protection on the Sea to be 
as solemnly guaranteed to us by the Constitution, as protectioa 
on the land; and we shall as readily assent, to a practical con- 
struction of that Instrument, which deprives us of the owe, as to 
that which deprives us of the other. 

When the Commercial and Navigatin:; Sta'tes surrendered to the 
General Government the riches of their Custom. Houses, and there- 
by parted with the fairest portion of their Revenue, leaving to 
themselves nothing to defray the expenses of their own establish- 
raents, but an unpleasant resort to Direct Taxation, they had 
a right to expect, and they did expect, from the wisdom and jus- 
tice of that Government, adequate and ample means of Protection 
and Defence. They entered into the Union under this full ex- 
pectation. It was an expectation, raised and excited, not only by 
the express words of the Constitution itself, but by the declara- 
tions and assurances of those, who recommended its adoption. 

It is not disrespectful to remind YOU, Sir, that a distinguish- 
ed advocate* for tlie Union of these States, urged the adoption 
of the Federal Constitution upon the Inhabitants of the Atlantic 
Frontier in the folJowing manner : — 

" Tlie paljiable necessity of the power to provide and main- 
" tain a navy, has protected that part of the Constitution, 
*' against a spirit of censure which has spared few other parts. 
" It must be numbered amon^ the greatest blessings of America, 
** that as her Union will be the only source of her Maritime 
*' Strength, so this will be the principal source of her security 
*' against danger from abroad." 

" The Inhabitants of the Atlantic Frontier are all of them deep- 
** It/ interested, in this provision for Natal Protection, and if 

* Mr. Madison himself. 



25 

** (hey have hitherto been suflFered io sleep quietly ia their beds ; 
** if their property has remained safe against the predatory spirit 
*' of licentious Adventurers ; if their Mariximk Towns have not 
•^' yet been compelled to ransom themselves from the terrors of 
*' Conflagration, by yielding to the exactions of daring aad 
^"^ sudden Invaders, these instances of good fortune are not 
*' to be ascribed to the capacities of the existing Government 

« (in 1788)." 

The same distinguished Gentleman, at a later period, gave 
to the People of this Nation a solemn and official Pledge of his 
sentiments on this important subject, in his Station as a leading 
Member of Congress, in the follov^ing emphatic manner. 

" I consider an acquisition of Maritime Strength essen- 
** TIAL, to this Country ; should we ever be so unfortunate as 
" to be engaged in War, what but this can defend our Towny 
*' and cities upon the Sea Coast ? or what but this can enable us 
*' to repel an invading enemy ?*" 

May we now. Sir, be permitted to ask, whether these hopes 
have be'en realized, and tliese assurances performed ? Has this 
solemn Pledge been redeemed ? Does the present actual Admin- 
istration of the Constitution comport with these principles ? Is A. 
sufficient navy provided and maintained ? L this Naval. 
TROTECTioN jn which the Inhabitants of the Atlantic Fron« 
sriER are so deeply interested, afforded to them ? Can they, noWf, 
sleep quietly in their beds ? Is their property now safe against the 
licentious spirit of predatory Adventurers ? Are their Maritime 
Towns secure from the terrors of CoNFLAeRATioN, or the exac- 
tions of daring and sudden Invaders ? We put these questions, 
not merely to the wisdom and policy, but to the duty and the 
CONSCIENCE of our Government. Alas ! it is notorious that 
■we have not this Navy ; we are not protected ; we cannot be 
quiet, or secure ; our Maritime Towns are not safe against invO" 
^ton and burning ; Our best interests are at the mercy of our 
enemies, and we can do nothing, but sit still, and seethe fruits oF 
thirty years of laborious industry swept away with the besom of 
destruction ! 

We are. Sir, from principle and habit attached to the Uniont' 
of the States. But our attachment is to the substance, and not 
to the /or»i. It is to the good which this Union is capable of 
producing, and not to the evil, which is suffered unnaturally to 
grow out of it. If the time should ever arrive, when this Unioa 
shall be holden together by nothing but the authority of Law ; 
when its incorporating, vital principle shall become extinct ; 
when it3 principal exercises shall consist in acts of power and a«« 

* Mr. Madison^s Speech in Congress^ 1789, 
4 



26 

tiiiorit)', not of proiccfion and beneficence ; wlieri It shall los«j 
^hc strong bond which it hath hitherto had in the public afFec^ 
<ions ; and when, consequently, we shall bp one^ not in interest 
and niutual regard, but in name and fonn only ; We, Sir, shall 
look on that houVy as the closing scene of our Country's pros- 
perity. 

We shrink from the separation of the Slates, as an eveOt fraughJ 
■with incalculable evils, and it is among our strongest objections to 
the present course of measures, that they have, in our opinion, a 
■^ery dangerous and alarming bearing, on such an event. If a 
separation of the States ever should take place, it will be, on 
some occasion, when one portion of the Country undertakes to 
controul, to regulate, and to sacrifice the interest of another ; 
■when a small and heated Majority in the Government, taking 
counsel of their passions, and not of their reason, contemptuously 
disregarding the interests, and perhaps stopping the mouths, of a 
large and respectable Minority^ shall by hasty, rash, and ruinous 
measures, threaten to destroy essential rights, and lay waste the 
most important intercstKS. 

It shall be our most fervent supplication to Heaven to avert, 
both the event and the occasion ; and the Government may be 
assured, that the tie that binds us to the Uniow, will never be 
broken ly us. 

But although ^ve lament the present War, on all accounts, yet 
tlo we deprecate it, most of all, as we view in it, as zve fear, the 
harbinger of French Alliance. Our apprehensions, on this headjp 
are not unnatural. The United States, and Napoleon Emperor 
and King, have now a common enemy., and, in some sort, a com-- 
mon cause. They wage a War against England, for objects, in 
some decree, the same. There has been, really or apparently, a 
series of remarkable coincidences in the measures of the tzca 
Governments. Add to this the known character of the French 
Court for intrigue, circumvention, and perfidy, and the world will 
judge, whether our feaus arc either groundless, or unwarrant- 
able. 

On the subject, of any French connexion, e'ltheT close, or more 
remote, we have made up our minds. We will, in no event, as- 
sist in uniting the Republics of America, with the Military Des« 
potism of France. We will have no connexion with her princi- 
ples, or her power. If her armed troops, under whatever name 
or character, should come hero, we shall regard them as enemies. 
No pressure, domestic or foreign, shall ever compel us to con- 
nect oun, interests with those of the House of Corsica; or to yoke 
ouusELVES, to the triumphal Car of the Conqueror and the Ty- 
rant of Continental Europe. In forming this Resolution, we 
have not bem thoughtless of possible consequences. We hays 



m 



27 

weighed them. We have reflected on the mcasuree, which an adf- 
herence to thi-s Resolution might hereafter occasion. We have 
considered the events which may grow out of it. In ihcfull and 
undisguised view of these consequences, we have formed this Ova 
Resolution, and we affirm to you, Sir, and to the World, that ic 
is deep, fixed, and unchangeable. 

It only remains for us, to express our rojiscientious convictions, 
that the present course of measures will prove most prejudicial 
and ruinous to the Country, and our just expectation that the 
Government will adopt such a system as shall restore to us tbo 
blessings of PE.iCE and of Commerce. 

SAMUEL TENNEY, Per order,. 
Wir.LiAM A. Kent, Secretary.. 



resolutions; 

Hon. NATH'L A. HAVEN, > ^„ , 
EDWARD CUTTS, jr. Esq. \ of Fortsmouia. 

Hon. OLIVER PEABODY, of Exeter. 

Hon. WILLIAM A. KENT, of Concord. 

Hon. JOSEPH BLANCHARD, of Chester. 

Capt. JOHN ADAMS, of Strathum. 

EDMUND TOPPAN, Esq. of Hampton. 

Rev. ELIAS HULL, of Seabroak. 

JOSEPH PERKINS, Esq. of Hampton falls, 

JOSEPH SHEPHERD, Esq. of Eppin<r, 

Capt. BRADBURY BARTLETT, o/Nottin^hain. 

l.t. PETER SANBORN, jr. of Deerneld. 

JACOB WEBSTER, Esq. of Kingston. 

STEPHEN CHASE, Esq. of Northjield. 

WILLIAM MORRILL, Esq. of Brentxvood. 
leaving been appointed to prepare Resolutions, reported the foL 
iowing, whiclvwerc unanimously adopted, 

WHEREAS, it is the undoubted Constifutioaal Right of 
the People to asjseuible in a peaceable and orderly manner ; to 
consult oa the common good and public welfare; to express 
♦their opinions on the means proper to be adopted for the promot- 
ing of these objects; and to signify their approbation or disappro- 
bation of the measures of Government ; and whereas, the mem- 
bers of this Meeting deem the present to be a critical and niomen- 
^-'us period ia uur public affairsj being involved in a war^, r,\vs% 



2S 

ihey belterc to be premature and inexpedient : comraeaced at ^. 
period when the Country, in a great degree, is unprepared either 
for attack or resistance, whether on the Land or on the Sea, they 
do now adopt the following resolutions, as expressive of their sen- 
timents and opinions, on the recent measures of our Government. 

lif. Resolved, That we are firmly attached to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States : and believe, that the administration of 
It by the illustrious George Washington, was according to its true 
spirit and original intention ; and productive ki the highest de- 
gree of the prosperity and happiness of the people. 

2rf. Resolved, That we consider it to have been a principal 
object in adopting the Constitution, to foster, extend and protect 
the Commerce of the States, and the great and essential inter- 
ests connected with that Commerce ; and that we have seen \?ith 
gVeat regret, a system pursued by the government, tending direct- 
ly to destroy Commerce, to discourage agriculture, and the 
mechanic arts ; a system, which has proved totally inadequate to 
the production of any good, inasmuch, as it has not procured us 
lionorable peace, nor saved us from calamitous war. 

3d. Resolved, That the present War was undertaken in direct 
opposition to the wishes, and will prove extremely injurious to 
the Interests of the people of this State ; and that none of the 
causes alledged in the Prceldont's Manifesto, and the Report of 
the Committee of Foreign Relations, recommending War wilii 
Great-Britain, are in our opinion sufficient to justify Congress in 
declaring War, especially in the present exposed and defenceless 
slate of the Country. 

4th. Resolved, That vre are wholly unable to comprehend or 
even conjecture any reasons, why the Interests of this Country 
^ould not have permitted our Citizens, who have property to a 
great amount abroad, to have brought it home, previous to the 
declaration of War with Great. Britain. 

5th. Resolved, That in our opinion, the Inhabitants of the 
Commercial and Maritime States, have a Constitutional Right to 
be protected by an adequate Naval Force ; they pay a full con- 
sideration to Government in the proceeds of their Ciistom-House 
duties ; — and that in totally neglecting the means of this protec- 
tion ; io suffering one portion of our small Navy to be sold, and 
aoother part to go to entire decay ; so that instead of having a 
force naturally increasing with the increase of our revenues ; that 
force has for ten years been continually dwii V'inc;, and is now 
totally incompetent to protect onr Ports and Harbours ; we 
think the administration has manifested a spirit hostile to our 
d<arest rights and best interests ; and an alarming indication 
of a settled purpose wholly to abandon the Commerce of these 
States. 



29 

6ik. Resolved, That -we hold the Liberty of free enquiry anci 
free discussion as well in as out of Congress to be essential to the 
maintenance of free Goveruments ; that the frequent prevention 
of discussion by arbitrary naandates and Resolutions, falsely call- 
ed Rules of order, and the shutting up of the Representatives of 
the People in secret conclave, in numerous repeated instances, is 
inconsistent with Liberty, and merit and receive our marked dis- 
approbation. 

7tk. Resolved, That we do detest and abhor, that open, un- 
iblushing, avowed approbation, given in more than one vehicle of 
administration, to those illegal, riotous and savage proceedings^ 
which are now desolating a great City in the Union, 

8^^. Resolved, That the power of the President to call out the 
Militia of the States, is a power strictly guarded and limited by 
the Constitution ; that it is confined to cases of Invasion, Insur. 
rection, or resistance of the Laws, neither of which to our knowl- 
edge exists at present ; that this power is subject to an express 
reservation of the appointment of all officers to command the militia 
ito the State authority ; likewise we deem the sending a portion of 
the militia out of this State, to serve under officers of the Standing 
Army of the United States, to be an infringement of their Consti- 
tutional privileges. 

9th. Resolved, That we deprecate any connexion with the 
French Government as the deepest calamity that can befal this 
country. 

lOih. Resolved^ That the great increase of duties, on imported 
articles, while no taxes are laid which would bear on those 
parts of the Union, which do not consume such articles, is in our 
opinion, an unjust and unequal measure of taxation ; as it is cal- 
culated to raise the whole extraordinary war revenue, on the com- 
mercial and importing States, when their Commerce is nearly de- 
stroyed, and their industry no longer productive. 

11th. Resolved, That we will make every fair and honorable 
exertion in our power, to promote the Election of such men for 
members of Congress, and Electors of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, to be chosen in the month of November next : whose at- 
tachment to the Commerce of the country will lead them to seek 
its release from its present restrictions, and whose love of Peace 
dispose them to bring the War in which we are now engaged, to b 
speedy and honorable termiaatioa- 



1 



30 
ELECTIONS„ 

Hou. PAINE WING ATE, of Stratham. 

Hon. SAMUEL TENNEY, of Exeter. 

NATHANIEL ADAMS, ) 

THOMAS SHEAFE, } of Portsmouth. 

SAMUEL HAM, Esq'rs. \ 

Hon. WILLIAM ADAMS, of Londonderry^ 

Col. JONA. GARLAND, of Hampton. 

Capf. ENOCH WORTIIEN"; of Kensington^ 

JOHN FOLSOM, Esq. of Chester, 

Col. DAVID McCRILLLS, of Canterbury. 

Maj. WILLIAM NORRIS, of Nottingham. 

GEORGE HOUGH, Esq. of Concord. 

Capt. EBENEZER CRAM, Jii. of Raymond: 

JOHN CAMPBELL, Esq. of IVindham. 

JOHN VOSE, Esq, of Atkinson. 
iiaviug been appointed a Committee to nominate Candidates for 
Electors of President and Vice-President, and Representatives to 
Congress at the ensuing Election, reported, that from informatioa 
received from the several Counties of the State, they recommended 
the following Tickets, to be supported by the Fjiiends of Peacz: 
OQ the first Monday of November nest. 

For electors. 

^^ > Kockingnam> 

SAMUEL HALE, "^ '> ^ -r ^ 
IVTATHAN TAYLOR, S ^^^^^°^^' 
TIMOTHY FARRAR, Hillsborough. 
BExNJAMIN WEST, > ,,, , . 
CALEB ELLIS, 5 ^"^^'^^r^' 

JONA. FRANKLIN, Grafton and Cooi'. 

■ ■ f 

For representatives. 

DANIEL WEBSTER, Esq. of Portsmouth. 

Col. BRADBURY CILLEY, of Notiinghaia. 

Hon. WILLIAM HALE, of Dover. 

SAMUEL SMITH, Esq. of Peterborough. 

Hon. ROGER VOSE, of tValpole. 

JEDUTHAN WILCOX, Esq. of Orfsrd. 
which Report of the Committee was unauimously acccpkd by 
the Meeting, 



Hon. OLIVER PEABODY, 
NATH'L A. HAVEN 



HK 13 79 



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